by Siddhant Hira
India’s Counter to Rawalpindi’s Information Warfare Strategy
Siddhant Hira
Why Pahalgam, why now?
The Pahalgam massacre is a clear demonstration of Rawalpindi’s return to its old ways of attacking soft targets – tourists – to shatter the calm and sense of return to business as usual in Kashmir after the peak of insurgency and terrorism in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The last incident involving tourists in Pahalgam was in 1995, when six foreign nationals from the UK, US, Germany and Norway, were abducted along with their two tour guides.
The timing of Rawalpindi’s attack on Kashmir and – indeed – India – is a result of Pakistan facing global neglect over its collapsing Western front due to insurgencies against the state, and attacks on Pakistani military and security forces by the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) and the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). This has led Rawalpindi to shift its strategic playbook to rekindle the Hindu-Muslim ‘Two-Nation Theory’ narrative, intensify focus on Kashmir as the ‘jugular vein’ of Pakistan, blame India for attacks while deflecting global scrutiny over its weak economic situation, and shift blame onto the US and the UK for the decades-long terrorist ecosystem it cultivates.
Religious Hatred and a Producer-Exporter of Terrorism
Rawalpindi – triggered by Field Marshal Asim Munir – is fueling religious hatred at a global level at a time when US Second Lady Usha Vance and US Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard are Hindus. This is a dangerous communal narrative which also ties into the Pahalgam attack as only non-Muslim males were targeted. The Pakistan state is openly sponsoring communal terrorism and attempting to take advantage of India’s multi-ethnic and -religious society, exploiting these fissures to widen them. This is not just political rhetoric but a militarised religious crusade initiated by the Pakistani establishment itself.
Pakistani Defence Minister Khwaja Asif has publicly admitted on live TV that Pakistan historically backs, supports, trains and funds terrorist groups when asked, “Do you admit, sir, that Pakistan has had a long history of backing and supporting and training and funding these terrorist organizations?” To which his reply was, “We have been doing this dirty work for the US for the past three decades, including the West and the United Kingdom.” Pakistan is openly admitting to such actions and yet the international community allows it to continue as usual.
Former Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf had also confessed that terrorism is Pakistan’s national policy tool, when he had said, “In [the] 1990s the freedom struggle began in Kashmir… At that time [the] Lashkar-e-Taiba and 11 or 12 other organisations were formed. We supported them and trained them as they were fighting in Kashmir at the cost of their lives”. And India is the ‘issue’ the ‘tool’ (meaning terrorism/terrorist groups) needed to fix. New Delhi will always be Rawalpindi’s Public Enemy Number One, and this will never change, at least until Rawalpindi rules over Islamabad, and therefore Pakistan and its people. India and the world are focusing on innovation through technology and AI but Rawalpindi still manufactures suicide bombers and radicalised youth.
Terrorism-Civil-Military fusion in Pakistan at the funeral of LeT commander Abdul Rauf
Pakistan’s Continuing Extremist-Radical Path
After creating this terrorist infrastructure, Pakistan now holds the US and UK responsible for its image. The country remains caught in an illusionary past at a time when other Muslim states like Saudi Arabia are moving towards moderation. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) is leading a transition and a revolution in the kingdom to establish a more moderate and balanced society: women can now drive; classrooms are no longer separated as male and female and there are movie theatres and all-night concerts in the desert wherein men and women dance together. Of course, not all sections or constituents of Saudi society are pleased with MBS’ policies for a new Saudi Arabia by attempting to degrade the influence of Wahhabism. Although, the wider Middle East is also attempting to explore more moderate strands of Islam.
Thanks to Rawalpindi’s writ, Pakistan is regressing into extremism and radicalisation. The Pakistani elite – living luxuriously in London and Dubai – use the poorest segments of their society as cannon fodder for terrorism. London and Dubai’s wealthiest property owners are Pakistani nationals, typically generals and politicians who made their wealth in America’s wars. In 2023, there were media reports that Islamabad was also considering allowing its citizens to bring into the country up to $100,000 without declaring the source of funds, which goes against the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF’s) commitments and will facilitate money laundering.
India’s Imperative
Indian NSA Ajit Doval had said that a mis/disinformation campaign can do extensive damage to a nation and democracy. Dr Ajit Maan – a renowned international expert on the narrative aspect of warfare – has refined “what has been referred to as information wars and psychological warfare to also serve as the basis for information, psychological or other non-kinetic warfare techniques”, to coin the term ‘narrative warfare’. It has not been focused upon as much but is perhaps of far greater significance. India must fully utilise narrative warfare techniques as there is already significant traction and will further boost both troop and public morale. There is an urgent need to act now and wrest the narrative warfare initiative in a planned manner to protect the populace from further Pakistani mis/disinformation. This is also an opportune moment for India to institutionalise narrative warfare strategies as a whole-of-government approach.
In press briefings by both the Ministry of External Affairs and the Ministry of Defence, New Delhi needs to continue with its tone of voice that reinforced its credibility: factual, unexaggerated, unemotional. In stark contrast to Pakistan’s shrill and wildly false claims, this will make the world see India in a new light.
India has gone on the diplomatic offensive, with its missions utilising its Members of Parliament, think-tanks, strategic experts, media and diaspora groups briefing Tokyo, Jakarta, Singapore, Seoul, the Middle East, South America, Africa, Copenhagen, Brussels, Rome, Washington DC, London, Moscow, Paris, Berlin, Canberra, among others, about the dual Pakistani threat of religious radicalisation and to world peace not just for India but the world. Research, events and discussions are needed to generate detailed awareness, debate and attention on Rawalpindi’s actions, what India is facing and how New Delhi is responding.
India must make use of its significant diaspora around the world to mobilise and organise awareness campaigns, submit petitions and seek audiences with lawmakers. While a relatively limited number of Indians in comparison to Pakistanis – former Indian Ambassador to the US Vinay Kwatra, High Commissioner to the US Vikram Doraiswami, High Commissioner to Australia Gopal Bagla and High Commissioner to Singapore Dr. Shilpak Ambule – have engaged with international media regarding the current situation, more Indian diplomats, military officers, security officials, strategic experts and experienced academicians need to follow suit to put forth New Delhi’s views, opinions and story to the world in a credible and reasonable manner.
When combined with a strong media campaign, utilising India’s diaspora will serve as a powerful instrument against Pakistan to expose its terror factories, religious extremism within its Army and human rights abuses in Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Sindh.
A targeted approach against the Pakistani Army and the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) can also be adopted by conducting a more personal campaign to name and shame generals, ISI handlers and bureaucrats: tracking their overseas assets and families abroad, and quietly pressurising individual officials outside Pakistan.
There is a need to create internal pressure inside Pakistan to subtly support and amplify fault lines within: ethnic divides and regional movements like the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), Baloch independence and Sindhi rights, among others. In recent times, even before the Pahalgam attack, the BLA was attacking the Pakistani military and security forces, albeit to seemingly devastating effect, frequency and Pakistani casualties. The BLA’s statement below highlights its willingness to work with India militarily, should New Delhi decide to take kinetic measures against the full geography of Pakistan.
Conclusion
The UNSCR 1267 Sanctions Committee will meet soon, in which New Delhi will present its evidence demonstrating Rawalpindi’s support for terrorism. This evidence will also be used as a factor to re-list Pakistan on the FATF grey list.
New Delhi has done well to send several Parliamentary delegations around the world, each including a former senior Ambassador to deliver its message of zero tolerance against terrorism. This move is a strong indication of India having run out of patience against Rawalpindi’s irregular kinetic actions since 1947. There is, however, a contrarian view that despite India communicating a clear and strong message abroad via these delegations, the nations being visited may fail or not even want to understand its criticality. There is an urgent need to have a complete narrative warfare strategy ready and primed beforehand so that when Pakistan reverts to its familiar playbook yet again, India’s credible information machinery can immediately begin work. The other option is for New Delhi to take pre-emptive action in the information domain.
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